A Different View
In other words, as tinnitus can disrupt attention and memory functions, alterations in cognitive functions would in turn play an important role in tinnitus generation and persistence. This study reviews the literature on the relationship between tinnitus and cognition from a different view a likely reciprocal link and discusses its possible mechanisms. Skip to Main Content. Search in: This Journal Anywhere. Advanced search. Submit an article Journal homepage. Pages Received 14 May Review Articles. A different view on the link between tinnitus and cognition; is there a reciprocal link?
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International Journal of Audiology Volume 43, - Issue 4. Published online: 7 Jul In any case, "mixity" as he calls it becomes one of the tests to determine what languages are pidgins. This is not true. What the early colonialist [sic] and missionaries described as Volapuk [an artificial international language] and a mixture of a variety of languages was, in fact, during the period quite pure Ngbandi. If Sango had begun as a pidgin, as Samarin has suggested, one would expect to find from its very inception a heavily mixed vocabulary drawing lexical items from the numerous substrate languages present at the time.
The fact that foreign elements came into Sango only gradually over a five decade period [presumably to ] - well after the purported period of pidginization - provides strong evidence that Sango has as its earliest antecedent a vehicularized variety of Ngbandi and not a pidgin This was the short list; there was also a word list, which he could have used with profit. Its only purpose in those days was to determine degrees of relationship between languages, a procedure that was called glottochronology based on lexicosta-tistics. Its nature and use became a topic of animated discussion and serious writing for several years, none of it utilized by Morrill.
As a neophyte linguist with only a Bachelor of Arts Degree from the University of California at Berkeley when collecting words in and , my only purpose was to contribute some information about an African lingua franca that had a limited vocabulary. I knew nothing about pidgins and creoles except for what I had read in Language by Leonard Bloomfield , whose generalization about pidgins I rejected in Samarin ; that book and Language by Edward Sapir were the only general texts for undergraduate students in linguistics when I was a student in the 's.
Nida and Kenneth L. Pike, however, were writing textbooks for students on morphology and phonemics. He is so eager to establish a pure ancestry for Sango that he claims that before the non-Ngbandi words were adopted for horn and tail, which occur only in Tisserant, Ngbandi equivalents would have existed The first is that his view of pidginization is simplistic.
He does not demonstrate in the history of any other pidgin that lexical mixture arises almost immediately. Second, he ignores the fact that some of Sango's 'words' arose in pidginization. It is true, for example, that for 'who? The third is that some of his etymologies are erroneous.
It is more likely that missionaries, needing a word for the translation of the New Testament see 2 Peter 2: 6 , borrowed it from Ngbandi, but it was not yet acquired by my sources, who were only partially literate in Sango. There is, Morrill declares, "solid [linguistic] evidence" in the proto-form ando of Sango , , According to him this word is used for 'distant past,' and the Ngbandi cognate for 'absolute past.
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On the difference between the free word in Sango and the alleged suffixal form in Ngbandi see below. One is led to the conclusion that the contemporary form of the Ngbandi language or just its -'ndo, a "relic of a past stage" is more recent than the vehicular form of Sango; "Sango and Ngbandi must have diverged before this grammatical change took place" in Ngbandi This reasoning is not only incredible, it is also unnecessary.
If it did not occur in some variety of Ngbandi when Sango was coming into existence, it most certainly could have arisen with the kind of regularization that results when persons learning a language make analyses and interpretations. Although Morrill acknowledges "considerable restructuring and simplification" , cf.
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He says nothing about what research he may have done on the topic. The only parts of it that concern us, as we try to understand Morrill's reasons for declaring Sango genetically related to Ngbandi, are those that constitute the TMA tense-mood-aspect system of the language. We must note the following: "The free TMA morphemes of Ngbandi [nowhere listed] are found in most instances in Sango with identical form and function" , see also , He might again have cited Rickford, who noted that among the recognized "pidgin-like features" is the absence of TMA markers Rickford There are no contrastive aspects that would constitute an aspectual system.
In the first place, most of it is expressed realized in tone replacements over the significant morphosyntactic unit. In other words, the tones of the pronouns and verbs, for example, are unpredictably variable: thus, the tones High, Mid, and Low of the pronoun and verb of 'I dance' in the Realis are L M, but H M for Irrealis and Volative; for the first person plural, however, the tones are L H, H M, and H H respectively.
To speak Ngbandi correctly - and to make correct sense, of course - one must memorize the appropriate tones. And since there are sequences of syllables differentiated only by tone to make words, learning becomes even more problematic: for example, the same monosyllabic consonant and vowel with low, mid, high, and falling tone are the basic or underlying forms of the verbs 'shoot,' 'dance,' 'step,' and 'soak something.
Without comment, he adds affixes and words to the tonal system as the linguistic means of constructing the system.
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In doing so, moreover, he makes mistakes, such as the following. Although past time is also encoded tonally in the realis form of the verb as in I walked to the market , Morrill says that the verbal suffix -ndo signals absolute past not relative to the time expressed in another verb in the sentence. According to Lekens, however, this word also occurs in otherpositions of a clause, and he writes it as a separate word ndo, the same as Sango's ando Although a "progressive aspect" is posited with the use of the alleged verbal prefix ndo-, said to occur in all three moods also expressed tonally variations of something like 'be eating' , the analysis is far from complete.
Morrill recognizes that this restructuring and simplification , , but only in that the tone of the verb [for pronouns see below] does not change and there are no bound aspectual morphemes For Morrill this does not mean that Ngbandi's verbal system had disappeared. Instead, we are informed that italics being added here :. In other words, the alleged verbal system is really a lexical one based entirely on temporal adverbs. About variation in their use, of which there is so much, nothing is said. Elsewhere the. An examination of tense illustrates this fact; aspect is no different.
See the following table, to which one can add, according to Morrill, recent past with biri 'yesterday' and near future with kekereke 'tomorrow' This explains the two blank spaces in table 2. In Diki-Kidiri the adverbial meanings are significantly ignored. The significance given to fade in its two positions is not based on an analysis of usage. The word is not based on the "post- is based on fadeso 'now', which can function as a noun or as an adverb.
The reduplication of the first syllable is just an instance of a verbal morpheme" the adverb fade 'soon' with the addition of the demonstrative so, but process in the language, perhaps on its way to being grammaticalized, that intensifies the meaning of an attributive: also kekete 'very small' from kete 'small' and mimingi 'very many' from mingi 'a lot, many, very'. Table 2. The meanings of adverbial 'tense makers' in three dictionaries.
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In fully accomplished grammaticalization linguistic units undergo loss in semantic complexity, pragmatic significance, syntactic or morphosyntactic freedom what is also called the autonomy of a word , and phonetic substance in various degrees, to be sure. Another concomitant of fairly well developed grammatica-lization is paradigmatization, where grammaticalized elements are analyzed as belonging to paradigms. Indeed, grammaticalization is always, one has opined, a question of degree; it is not absolute.
And "there appear to be no clear ways in which the borders which separate grammatical from lexical and other phenomena can be meaningfully and consistently drawn" Hopper Five principles have nonetheless been proposed for selecting "from among the rhetorical resources of texts those recurrent collocations that [are] candidates for being, at least marginally, 'in' the grammar of the language" Hopper 32 , but even they do not identify grammaticalization unambiguously This cannot be an example of grammaticalization on the basis, first, of the definition given above, because this verb still means 'come' also e.
Morrill starts with the assertion that "it is generally agreed that any definition of a pidgin must include the fact that it is not mutually intelligible with its lexical source" 2, citing Sankoff [should be ].
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This cannot be said of Sango, because, he asserts, "there is partial mutual intelligibility; speakers of Ngbandi who have had no previous exposure to Sango can understand it, while the speakers of Sango can only understand a few simple words and phrases of Ngbandi" Since he does not support this claim by any evidence whatsoever, we cannot give it any credence. Because Morrill apparently did not test speakers of Ngbandi who were completely ignorant of Sango, he must have reported what he had been told.
I do not believe this assertion. First, since the Ngbandis have been exposed to Sango for over a hundred years in a region where contact with speakers of other languages has taken place, one cannot imagine anyone in the Ngbandi homeland being unfamiliar with Sango. Second, since Morrill carried on his research and I mine when Ngbandis were in political control of the nation, they took advantage of any opportunity to identify statehood with their languages Ngbandi and Sango with their ethnicity. And since mutual intelligibility is so important in determining what is a pidgin, Morrill should have noted, as did Thomason , that there are "borderline cases.
The adoption of this "category" of language as "distinctive" from other languages, which is promulgated, he notes, in francophone linguistic circles 26, for example, by Calvet and Manessy , should have been proclaimed a major innovation in the literature on language contact. It "does not represent 'normal' transmission" and "is similar to pidginization in that both takes [sic] place in circumstances of intense social upheaval and linguistic contact" 35 ; a language Aseems to undergo a process of 'simplification'" 28 , and "difficult irregular original forms will be eliminated" 30 ; it is a process that Calvet calls "regularization" 28 ; the changes are not "dramatic," as they are in pidginization Sango is said to have undergone vehicularization during the colonial period 34 , a period, we should note, that coincides with my period for the pidginization of Ngbandi.
However, he contradicts himself in a statement that is clear enough: "Sango probably emerged as a distinct variety of Ngbandi before the arrival of the colonial forces" ; "vehicular Sango was in existence before the arrival of the colonial forces" See also: Awhile Sango may not have existed as distinct variety of Ngbandi in the precolonial period" Here, with information about linguistic variation and language use, he endeavors to support the position espoused by Jean-Louis Calvet, which was cited above.
Morrill was, in effect, undertaking a project in the 's that was similar to my own, launched in 'The linguistic consequences of the creolization of Sango' and reported in four widely distributed reports in , , , and Sometime before beginning his doctoral research, it would appear, he had been a Peace Corps Volunteer dates not given as a teacher in French in the southwest not far from the town of Mbaiki , where I lived with my family in It must have been at that time that he became a "fluent speaker of Sango.